Biti claims Tagwirei funded MDC Alliance and CCC
Story By Lulu Brenda Harris
Former finance minister Tendai Biti has stirred controversy. He alleges that businessperson and Zanu PF senator Kudakwashe Tagwirei financed the opposition MDC Alliance in 2018 and the Citizens Coalition for Change (CCC) in 2023. The claim has reignited debate over the sources of funding for Zimbabwe’s political parties.
Biti’s one-word answer
Biti made the claim on X. A user asked who had funded the two opposition formations in those election cycles. Biti replied with one word: “Tagwirei”.
Biti has not publicly substantiated the allegation. It drew sharp reactions from former opposition officials. It also exposed longstanding questions about campaign money, the influence of wealthy businesspeople and the transparency of political financing in Zimbabwe.
Tagwirei has extensive interests in sectors that include energy and mining. He is now Minister of Economic Development and Investment Promotion. In the reports reviewed, he has not publicly responded to the allegation.
The exchange followed a strongly worded post by Biti. He accused Tagwirei of accumulating wealth by exploiting public resources and of seeking political power. Biti warned against concentrating economic and political influence in the hands of wealthy individuals. He argued that Zimbabwe’s institutions should not be treated as private property.
Former opposition officials push back
Biti’s follow-up claim drew a direct rebuttal from Charlton Hwende, a former MDC Alliance secretary-general and treasurer.
“It is not correct that in 2018 and 2023 the opposition was funded by ZANU PF Senator Kudakwashe Tagwirei,” Hwende said in a post on X.
Hwende said ordinary party members provided about 70 percent of opposition funding. They gave personal contributions and joined campaigns, including by volunteering as election agents. Candidates financed their own campaigns for another 20 percent. Zimbabweans at home and in the diaspora supplied the remaining 10 percent.
Hwende said he had served in the party’s treasury before becoming secretary-general. He added that the party handled MDC Alliance donations through party bank accounts and an established financial management structure.
Advocate Thabani Mpofu also dismissed Biti’s allegation. He represented the MDC Alliance in its 2018 presidential election petition.
“Tagwirei is many things; some good, others indescribably bad; but a funder of the opposition is not one of them. We really shouldn’t waste time on this,” Mpofu said.
Reporters also asked former opposition leader Nelson Chamisa to respond. He gave an enigmatic reply instead of confirming or denying the claim.
“Masvanhi kongonya kutarisana kwevakarambana nehema nehema dzinokokwa kkkk Zvinoda kukura!” Chamisa said.
The competing statements leave the central allegation unresolved. They highlight the need for evidence and greater transparency in party financing.
What the law says on party funding
The controversy has renewed scrutiny of the Political Parties (Finance) Act, which provides state funding for qualifying parties. Parties whose candidates win at least five percent of the votes cast in a general election qualify. Allocations follow each party’s share of the vote, and a statutory process determines the amount.
Critics question how the government implements the law. They point to concerns about transparency, oversight and the distribution of public money.
In 2025, Elections Resource Centre senior programmes officer Takunda Tsunga said the framework was historically opaque. He said it gave the Justice Minister significant discretion over when and how to release funds.
Beloved Chiweshe, programmes officer at the Accountability Lab of Zimbabwe, traced the use of state resources for partisan purposes back to 1987. That year, following the Unity Accord between Zanu and PF ZAPU, the government established the Ministry of Political Affairs. Chiweshe said the ministry’s task was to ensure Zanu PF had adequate resources and administration. The government abolished it in 1992.
The Political Parties (Finance) Act later formalised state funding for political parties. Experts argue its accountability provisions remain inadequate.
In 2025, the government allocated ZiG147.68 million to Zanu PF and the CCC under the Act. Zanu PF received about 69.3 percent and the CCC 30.7 percent, reflecting their shares of the vote in the 2023 elections.
The framework also prohibits foreign donations to political parties. However, experts say it lacks adequate disclosure requirements, spending limits and effective independent oversight. That makes it difficult to scrutinise the sources and use of political funds.
Who controls the money?
Control of public funding has itself become politically contentious. In 2024, a faction aligned with Chamisa challenged the proposed disbursement of CCC funds to Sengezo Tshabangu. The challenge came amid an ongoing dispute over the party’s leadership and representation. The dispute showed how leadership conflicts can affect access to public resources allocated in a party’s name.
Biti’s allegation adds another dimension to these concerns: the potential influence of private wealth on opposition politics.
The broader question
Political commentator Iphithule Maphosa said the competing claims about CCC funding have sharpened a broader question about Zimbabwean politics.
“Who finances political parties, what influence do major donors wield and what mechanisms exist to make sure that political funding does not become a route to private influence over public institutions?” he asked.
Maphosa said allegations of secret funding will likely persist without transparent disclosure of donations and effective oversight of political expenditure. Voters will also remain unable to establish who finances the parties seeking their support, or what their true intentions are.
Reporting based on original coverage by Cite.
